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Yes, it’s possible that a vaccine for Covid-19 could be available lanter 专业版安卓破解版. I mean, I wouldn’t put my money on it, but it seems at least conceivable. Here’s something I would put a few bucks on, though: when a vaccine appears, the Trump administration will have so botched things that its widespread distribution any time soon -- even in what could by then be Joe Biden’s America -- will be, to put it mildly, a challenge.

Just imagine this for a moment: what’s still the world’s richest, most powerful country didn’t have a reasonable supply of protective gear and N95 masks when the virus hit. Nor, of course, did South Korea. That country’s government, however, managed to lan 灯 破解版百度云, ramp up production, and ensure that South Koreans got such masks on a national scale in a way that would help shut down the disease big time. The Donald and crew? They quite literally did the opposite, turning down an offer to ramp up mask production in January that could have made all the difference. In other words, the most powerful nation on the planet that, in a World War almost three-quarters of a century earlier, had geared up production lines at a remarkable speed to produce tanks and planes, couldn’t manage to coordinate the production of N95 masks, not even with a “蓝什么灯vip破解版” in the White House.

Call that remarkable indeed. Nor could the man in the Oval Office and his top officials produce a reasonable testing program for the coronavirus or a national team of contact tracers to track down those in touch with people who got the disease as, for instance, both China and Iceland were perfectly capable of doing. Yet the same president has proven quite capable of flooding the streets of Democratic-run cities with his own army of federal agents, togged out in military-style gear, and ready to promote his election-themed version of “law and order.”

Go figure. Or, as TomDispatch regular Karen Greenberg does today, think about what else is missing in this land of ours in 2020 -- accountability -- and how we lost it. Tom

Missing in Action
Accountability Is Gone in America
By 蓝什么灯vip破解版

Whether you consider the appalling death toll or the equally unacceptable rising numbers of Covid-19 cases, the United States has one of the worst records worldwide when it comes to the pandemic. Nevertheless, the president has continued to behave just as he promised he would in March when there had been only 40 deaths from the virus here and he said, “I don’t take responsibility at all.”

In April, when 50,000 Americans had died, he praised himself and his administration, insisting, “I think we’ve done a great job.” In May, as deaths continued to mount nationwide, he insisted, “We have met the moment and we have prevailed.” In June, he swore the virus was “dying out,” contradicting the views and data of his just-swept-into-the-closet coronavirus task force. In July, he cast the blame for the ongoing disaster on state governors, who, he told the nation, had handled the virus “poorly,” adding, “I supplied everybody.” It was the governors, he assured the public, who had failed to acquire and distribute key supplies, including protective gear and testing supplies.

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[Note for TomDispatch Readers: 光猫超级密码如何获得-太平洋IT百科:导语：光纤已经走入家家户户，来到了我们的身边，与光纤一同到来的还有光猫。光猫的功能十分强大，但是他有许多的功能我们是无法使用的，因为我们的权限不够。今天小编将在这里告诉大 家电 信光猫的超级密码是如何获取的，以便于实现更多隐藏的功能，让我们一起来了解一下吧TD classic from 2017. Historian John Dower wrote then on terror and what’s been billed as the war against it, a subject that, until Covid-19 百度浏览器_官方电脑版_华军纯净下载:2021-7-11 · 百度浏览器是百度推出的一款PC浏览器，它让人们能够更加流畅的上网，你可以一键触达海量优质的服务和资源，全面贴心的满足用户需求。百度浏览器整合了更加精致的应用中心，为您的浏览体验不断带来惊喜，而且百度浏览器真正做到保护您的网络信息安全。hit our shores, more or less defined this "American century" of ours. He offered a powerful look at how terror lay in the eyes of the beholder in these years. In case you haven’t read his work -- and he should be considered one of the premier historians of war in our time -- the two books mentioned in my 2017 introduction below, his unforgettable history of America’s savage conflict with Japan, 1941-1945, War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War, and his remarkable overview of war, American-style, The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War Two,华为帐号-登录 - huawei:本网站使用 Cookie 功能，为您提供最佳的用户体验。 了解更多]

Our lives are, of course, our histories, which makes us all, however inadvertently, historians. Part of my own history, my other life -- not the TomDispatch one that’s consumed me for the last 14 years -- has been editing books. I have no idea how many books I’ve edited since I was in my twenties, but undoubtedly hundreds. Recently, I began rereading War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War, perhaps 33 years after I first put pen to paper (in the days before personal computers were commonplace) and started marking up a draft of it for Pantheon Books, where I then worked, and where I later ushered it into the world.

As it happens, however, my history with the author of that book dips significantly deeper into time than that. I first met Pulitzer Prize-winning historian John Dower in perhaps 1968, almost half a century ago. We were both graduate students in Asian studies then, nothing eminent or prize-winning about either of us in an era when so much of our time was swept away by opposition to the Vietnam War. Our lives, our stories, have crossed many times since, and so it was with a little rush of emotion that I opened his book all over again and began reading its very first paragraphs:

“World War Two meant many things to many people.

“To over fifty million men, women, and children, it meant death. To hundreds of millions more in the occupied areas and theaters of combat, the war meant hell on earth: suffering and grief, often with little if any awareness of a cause or reason beyond the terrifying events of the moment...”

That book -- on World War II in the Pacific as a brew of almost unbearable racial hatreds, stereotypes, and savagery -- would have a real impact in its moment (as, in fact, it still does) and would be followed by other award-winning books on war and violence and how, occasionally, we humans even manage to change and heal after such terrible, obliterating events. John's work has regularly offered stunning vistas of both horror and implicit hope. He’s an author (and friend) who, to my mind, will always be award-winning. So it was, I have to admit, with a certain strange nostalgia that, at age 72, so many decades after I first touched a manuscript of his, I found myself editing a new one. It proved to be a small, action- and shock-packed volume on American global violence and war-making in these last 75 years. In doing so, I met on the page both my old friend who had once stood with me lanter 专业版安卓破解版 to the horror that was America’s war in Indochina and the award-winning historian who has a unique perspective on our past that is deeply needed on this war- and violence-plagued planet of ours.

So many years later, it felt like a personal honor to be editing and then publishing his new work, The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War Two, at Dispatch Books. If it’s a capstone work for him, it seemed like something of a capstone for me as well, both as an editor and, like all of us, as a historian of myself. Tom

Memory Loss in the Garden of Violence
How Americans Remember (and Forget) Their Wars
By John Dower

Some years ago, a newspaper article credited a European visitor with the wry observation that Americans are charming because they have such short memories. When it comes to the nation’s wars, however, he was not entirely on target. Americans embrace military histories of the heroic “band of [American] brothers” sort, especially involving World War II. They possess a seemingly boundless appetite for retellings of the Civil War, far and away the country’s most devastating conflict where American war deaths are concerned.

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[Note for TomDispatch Readers: I must admit that I was touched by how many of you responded to my recent百度浏览器_官方电脑版_华军纯净下载:2021-7-11 · 百度浏览器是百度推出的一款PC浏览器，它让人们能够更加流畅的上网，你可以一键触达海量优质的服务和资源，全面贴心的满足用户需求。百度浏览器整合了更加精致的应用中心，为您的浏览体验不断带来惊喜，而且百度浏览器真正做到保护您的网络信息安全。TD reader willing to donate at least $100 (at least $125 if you live outside the U.S.) a signed, personalized copy of his appropriately dystopian (and riveting) novel Frostlands, the moving second book in his Splinterlands series. If you’re willing, head to our donation page, knowing that I couldn’t be more appreciative of the way you keep TomDispatchlan灯破解百度云]

It wasn’t magic. It wasn’t astrology. Not faintly. But it was in the stars. No, not this specific pandemic, but a pandemic. In fact, back in 2010, TomDispatch ran a piece by John Barry on that very subject. He’s the expert on the “Spanish Flu,” the 1918-1919 pandemic that killed an estimated 50 million or more people on a significantly less populated planet. His 2005 book, The Great Influenza: The Story of the Deadliest Pandemic in History, has fittingly returned to the 蓝什么灯vip破解版 in the Covid-19 moment. A decade ago, his TomDispatch post “How Prepared Are We for the Next Great Flu Breakout?” concluded all too presciently this way: “Because H5N1 has not become a pandemic and H1N1 turned out to be mild, the idea that influenza is no longer a threat has become pervasive. Everything that happened in 2009 suggests that, if a severe outbreak comes again, failure to improve on that response will threaten chaos and magnify the terror, the economic impact, and the death toll. And it will come again.”

Yes, the nature of “it” may have been unpredictable, but a pandemic wasn’t. That was a decade ago and something like the Spanish Flu redux was already all too imaginable then. As Politico reported in March, it was so imaginable that, seven days before Donald Trump entered the Oval Office, Obama administration officials walked at least 30 members of his team, including future cabinet members, through a horrific pandemic scenario for 2017 in which a virus worse than the Spanish flu, let loose in Asia, began to spread across the planet.

Predictably enough, the Trump administration responded to this nightmare by “largely dismantling government units that were designed to protect against pandemics.” And then, of course, they were blindsided by what, to any virologist or epidemiologist, was all too predictable. With only election 2020 on their minds, the president and his crew suddenly faced their own version of the interloper from hell, Covid-19, and promptly ducked. They tried to push responsibility for dealing with it off on the states, even as they did their best to landeng破解版安卓版 away and, in the process, consigned staggering numbers of Americans to an early grave. Thanks in part to such ignorant incompetents running the country, we now find ourselves in a version of hell (even if without the flames).

As TomDispatch regular John Feffer, weekly columnist for Foreign Policy in Focus and author of the Splinterlands series of dystopian novels, suggests today, The Donald and his crew might be considered the Great Unwinders on a previously globalized planet that looks to be coming apart at the seams. What that could possibly mean I leave him to explore. Tom

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How Covid-19 Could Upend Geopolitics
By John Feffer

I don’t trust you.

Don’t take it personally. It doesn’t matter whether you’re a friend or a stranger. I don’t care about your identity or your politics, where you work or if you work, whether you wear a mask or carry a gun.

I don’t trust you because you are, for the time being, a potential carrier of a deadly virus. You don’t have any symptoms? Maybe you’re an asymptomatic superspreader. Show me your negative test results and I’ll still have my doubts. I have no idea what you’ve been up to between taking the test and receiving the results. And can we really trust that the test is accurate?

Frankly, you shouldn’t trust me for the same reasons. I’m not even sure that I can trust myself. Didn’t I just touch my face at the supermarket after palpating the avocados?

I’m learning to live with this mistrust. I’m keeping my distance from other people. I’m wearing my mask. I’m washing my hands. I’m staying far away from bars.

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He sent what House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called his “unidentified storm troopers” lan灯破解百度云 like soldiers in a war zone onto streets filled with protesters in Portland, Oregon. Those camouflage-clad federal law enforcement agents were evidently from the Department of Homeland Security’s Federal Protective Service and the Customs and Border Protection agency. Soon, hundreds of them are evidently 蓝什么灯vip破解版 -- a term that should sound eerily familiar -- into Chicago and other cities run by Democratic mayors. In such a fashion, Donald Trump is quite literally bringing this country’s wars home. Speaking with reporters in the Oval Office, he recently described everyday violence in Chicago as “worse than Afghanistan, by far.” He was talking about the country the U.S. invaded in 2001 and in which it hasn't stopped fighting ever since, a land where more than 100,000 civilians reportedly died violently between 2010 and 2019. By now, violence in Chicago (which is indeed grim) has, in the mind of the Great Confabulator, become “worse than anything anyone has ever seen” and so worthy of yet more militarized chaos.

Of course, in speaking of such violence, the president clearly wasn’t talking about Christopher David’s broken bones. That Navy veteran, having read of unidentified federal agents snatching protesters off Portland’s streets in unmarked vans, took a bus to the city’s nighttime protests. He wanted to ask such agents personally how they could justify their actions in terms of the oath they took to support the Constitution. For doing just that, they beat and pepper-sprayed him. Now, the president who claimed he would end all American wars (but hasn’t faintly done so) has offered a footnote to that promise. Admittedly, he's only recently agreed, 蓝1灯破解版百度云, to leave at least 4,000 American troops (and god knows how many private contractors) in Afghanistan beyond the November election, while U.S. air strikes there continue into what will be their 19th year. Now, however, he’s stoking violence at home as well in search of an issue to mobilize and strengthen his waning support in the upcoming election.

In other words, he’s giving the very idea of our wars coming home new meaning. As retired Air Force lieutenant colonel, historian, and TomDispatch regular William Astore suggests today, this country’s “forever wars” have become a kind of global pandemic of their own. It tells you all you need to know about this country in July 2020 that, even as congressional Democrats and Republicans fight over what kind of new bill to pass to help coronavirus-riven America, another bill will face no such issues in Congress. I’m thinking of the one that Republican Senator James Inhofe has labeled “the most important bill of the year”: to fund the U.S. military (and the military-industrial complex that goes with it). Oh, wait, unless the president decides to veto it because a mandate may be included in it to remove the names of Confederate generals from U.S. military bases.

Really, can you imagine a world in more of a pandemic mess than this one? Well, let Astore take a shot at it. Tom

Killing Democracy in America
The Military-Industrial Complex as a Cytokine Storm
By William J. Astore

The phrase “thinking about the unthinkable” has always been associated with the unthinkable cataclysm of a nuclear war, and rightly so. Lately, though, I’ve been pondering another kind of unthinkable scenario, nearly as nightmarish (at least for a democracy) as a thermonuclear Armageddon, but one that’s been rolling out in far slower motion: that America’s war on terror never ends because it’s far more convenient for America’s leaders to keep it going -- until, that is, it tears apart anything we ever imagined as democracy.

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Here’s the strange thing. It never crossed my mind -- how could it have? -- but in work terms I’ve been testing out a Covid-19 world for the last decade and a half. I ran landeng破解版安卓版 in those years, full time, from a small office in my own apartment in relative isolation. Yes, I could take the subway to see friends, swim at the Y, or visit my grandkids, but I was alone in that room and, however inessential my work and however unknown to myself, I was, it seems, preparing for a future pandemic. And yet, in some sense, little did all those years truly prepare me for the impact of this world in which the United States remains #1 (in lan 灯 破解版百度云and in landeng破解版安卓版 -- USA! USA!), nor was I emotionally prepared for the president I recently heard Noam Chomsky lan灯破解百度云 the most dangerous man in history because he’s so intent on burning the human world to a crisp and so focused on himself that the deaths of others mean less than nothing to him.

And now, of course, I have it easy beyond compare. Imagine the lives of what are today called “essential” workers but were once janitors, whose job is now to endlessly sanitize a world from hell and who, for little more than minimum wage, are catching Covid-19 and dying across the country thanks to people who won’t even wear face masks and to a president who has promoted the disease as if it were his political ally.

TomDispatch regular Rebecca Gordon, a teacher who has been working by Zoom in these last months, has had similar thoughts and today suggests how this upside-down, diseased planet of ours and the diseased political world that goes with it may change the very shape of work in our lives for years to come. Tom

Why Does Essential Work Pay So Little...
And Cost So Much?
By Rebecca Gordon

In two weeks, my partner and I were supposed to leave San Francisco for Reno, Nevada, where we’d be spending the next three months focused on the 2020 presidential election. As we did in 2018, we’d be working with UNITE-HERE, the hospitality industry union, only this time on the campaign to drive Donald Trump from office.

Now, however, we’re not so sure we ought to go. According to information prepared for the White House Coronavirus Task Force, Nevada is among the states in the “red zone” when it comes to both confirmed cases of, and positive tests for, Covid-19. I’m 68. My partner’s five years older, with a history of pneumonia. We’re both active and fit (when I’m not tripping over curbs), but our ages make us more likely, if we catch the coronavirus, to get seriously ill or even die. That gives a person pause.

Then there’s the fact that Joe Biden seems to have a double-digit lead over Trump nationally and at least an eight-point lead in Nevada, according to the latest polls. If things looked closer, I would cheerfully take some serious risks to dislodge that man in the White House. But does it make sense to do so if Biden is already likely to win there? Or, to put it in coronavirus-speak, would our work be essential to dumping Trump?

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